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Youth Activism and Digital Authoritarianism in Egypt and Saudi Arabia, Essays (high school) of World Politics

This essay explores the interplay between youth activism and digital authoritarianism in the Middle East and North Africa, focusing on Egypt and Saudi Arabia. It examines the historical context of digitalization, tracing the evolution of youth activism from the Arab Spring to the present. The essay delves into digital authoritarianism, analyzing how regimes have leveraged technologies to suppress dissent and consolidate power. It investigates the measures taken by the governments to manage digital activism and limit citizens' access to information and freedom of expression online. The research questions aim to understand the sentiments of the youth and the potential for future popular revolts against authoritarian governments. The essay provides a comprehensive analysis of the complex interplay between technology, politics, and social movements in the MENA region, offering insights into the challenges and opportunities faced by young activists in the digital age.

Typology: Essays (high school)

2023/2024

Uploaded on 06/12/2024

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ARAM244"
15.02.24"
TITLE"
Youth Activism in Response to Digital Authoritarianism in Egypt and Saudi Arabia
INTRODUCTION"
With the advent of the Internet, the Arab World has gone through a revolutionary transformation. In order to
pursue more freedom, the Middle East citizens have undergone several phases in the last 30 years, such as
fear, need and revolution. This process has begun with the usage of the Internet as a proper tool for politics,
which has had a strong impact on both individuals and the state. In this area, youth activism has always
been a political phenomenon throughout history, as the youth have frequently stood against injustice and
misconduct of power. When the Internet became available for the first time in 1990, the habits of the youth
begun to change and, in turn, their consideration of politics too. The Internet access, at the beginning, was
limited to a few people, but after a few years, more and more people were starting to use it. During this
phase, people were afraid that this modern tool could take away from them their culture and replace it with
western customs. When the Internet begun to spread more, and people realised its potential, they begun to
use it to gain more power against the state. At this point, the Internet was necessary not only to subvert the
state, but also to link people, to find jobs, to enhance people’s skills and to feel connect to the rest of the
world. Arabs, more involved in international politics, began to desire a democratic system which lead to
sparking protest and revolts all over the Middle East. In 2011, the Arab Spring marked a crucial
transformation in the Arab history as an authoritarian President, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, was pushed out for
the first time by popular protests. Even though these events had strong repercussion in terms of social-
political dynamics, the hoped-outcome after the Arab Spring imagined by millions of citizens has not yet
materialized. In Tunisia and partially in Sudan, a semblance of democratic transition has emerged. However,
in Egypt and Bahrain, external support bolstered the state, leading to a violent counterrevolution. In three
other nations, Syria, Libya, and Yemen, neither a smooth political transition nor an eective government’s
response prevailed, resulting in civil strife, state collapse, and widespread turmoil."
Hence, the failure of the 2011 uprising has marked a disappointing result in achieving a more solid and just
political system. The revolutionary youth stated that the revolution was a failure because it did not
consolidate its priorities, demands, needs and principles and was unsuccessful in protecting the civilians
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Vera Colombi ARAM 15.02. TITLE Youth Activism in Response to Digital Authoritarianism in Egypt and Saudi Arabia INTRODUCTION With the advent of the Internet, the Arab World has gone through a revolutionary transformation. In order to pursue more freedom, the Middle East citizens have undergone several phases in the last 30 years, such as fear, need and revolution. This process has begun with the usage of the Internet as a proper tool for politics, which has had a strong impact on both individuals and the state. In this area, youth activism has always been a political phenomenon throughout history, as the youth have frequently stood against injustice and misconduct of power. When the Internet became available for the first time in 1990, the habits of the youth begun to change and, in turn, their consideration of politics too. The Internet access, at the beginning, was limited to a few people, but after a few years, more and more people were starting to use it. During this phase, people were afraid that this modern tool could take away from them their culture and replace it with western customs. When the Internet begun to spread more, and people realised its potential, they begun to use it to gain more power against the state. At this point, the Internet was necessary not only to subvert the state, but also to link people, to find jobs, to enhance people’s skills and to feel connect to the rest of the world. Arabs, more involved in international politics, began to desire a democratic system which lead to sparking protest and revolts all over the Middle East. In 2011, the Arab Spring marked a crucial transformation in the Arab history as an authoritarian President, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, was pushed out for the first time by popular protests. Even though these events had strong repercussion in terms of social- political dynamics, the hoped-outcome after the Arab Spring imagined by millions of citizens has not yet materialized. In Tunisia and partially in Sudan, a semblance of democratic transition has emerged. However, in Egypt and Bahrain, external support bolstered the state, leading to a violent counterrevolution. In three other nations, Syria, Libya, and Yemen, neither a smooth political transition nor an effective government’s response prevailed, resulting in civil strife, state collapse, and widespread turmoil. Hence, the failure of the 2011 uprising has marked a disappointing result in achieving a more solid and just political system. The revolutionary youth stated that the revolution was a failure because it did not consolidate its priorities, demands, needs and principles and was unsuccessful in protecting the civilians

from violence and injustice. However, even though the outcome wasn’t the one expected by the young generation, the Arab Spring produced some changes in the political, social and economic fields. More specifically, in the wake of the revolts, the Middle East has undergone significant changes in democracy, youth employment, displacement, women's empowerment, corruption, and other related areas. This essay will cover most of the arguments mentioned above in the attempt to provide an overview of the historical process that brought to the violent protests in 2011 and what followed. It will go through the historical period from 1990 to 2011 and after the Arab uprisings and it will study what brought young people and students to feel such frustration and dissatisfaction with the state apparatus present in those days. Afterwards, it will explore the correlation between the common desire for human rights and the utility of Internet throughout the process. The main focus will be the concept of digitalisation as a crucial phenomenon that has raised up the population against the oppressors. This new form of political activism has been labeled as “youth activism” and it is linked to the usage of technological tools by the youth. The possibility of being more in contact with the other citizens, the news and the rest of the world empowered students and young people against the power to fight for their rights. The attention then will turn to the consequences of the uprisings in the Middle East in terms of digitalisation and what caused the foundation of the so-called “digital authoritarianism”. There will be an attempt to define this modern form of governance by studying its structure, principles, power management and limits. This essay will narrow down the argument by exploring two study cases: Saudi Arabia and Egypt. It will investigate how digital authoritarianism is shaping these countries and its citizens. Indeed, over the past decade, authoritarian regimes have made significant investments in cyber capabilities to bolster their political longevity and further their geopolitical aims. The increasing adoption of oppressive digital technologies is progressing rapidly, posing significant and hazardous implications for human rights, democratic values, and the emergence of conflicts. RESEARCH QUESTIONS This essay aims to explain two contemporary phenomena, the Youth Activism and the Digital Authoritarianism, which may be found all over the globe but particularly present in the Middle East and North Africa countries. As mentioned above, these two phenomena are strictly related to each others, as one is the consequence of the other and they both are interconnected with the Internet.

political innovation. What pushed the young inhabitants of this region to use the Internet against the oppressive state apparatus? How did the youth activism become a movement? Can the youth activism in the Middle East and North Africa challenge authoritarianism?

  1. Digital Authoritarianism: the third section of the essay is focused on defining digital authoritarianism in the Middle East by answering to questions such as: In which instance can an authoritarian regime be defined as a digital one? So, what features distinguish digital authoritarianism? How have both states and citizens altered their use of the Internet following the Arab Spring? Will the digital monopoly alway be in the state’s hand? According to the Freedom House Freedom of the Net 2021 report, seven countries in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region rank among the bottom twenty for internet freedom. This essay aims to examine two case studies, Egypt and Saudi Arabia, and will involve analysis and evaluation based on the concepts discussed in previous chapters. The research questions will be:
  • Have Egypt and Saudi Arabia become digital authoritarian regimes? How? When?
  • What measures has Egypt implemented thus far to manage digital activism and mitigate the potential for future uprisings among its youth?
  • What measures has Saudi Arabia taken to limit its citizens’ knowledge and freedom in terms of digital control?
  • To what extent is the population of both Egypt and Saudi Arabia aware of the cyber controls that determine which news can reach them and which should be censored or suppressed?
  • What are the sentiments of young Egyptians and Saudis regarding this matter? These questions will mostly require an engagement in political readings and an assessment of contemporary studies regarding digitalization and digital authoritarianism in MENA. Furthermore, this essay will probably need some secondary sources in the attempt to reply to the last question. OBJECTIVES The main objective is to comprehend the feeling of the youth in MENA after the failure of the Arab uprisings. The year 2011 left a profound mark on the population, as attempts to consolidate strengths against authority and advocate for better conditions supported by a democratic political system ultimately fell short. The authoritarianism regimes have changed since then and, nowadays, they use the Internet to suppress freedom and steer their citizens' knowledge and interests away from socio-political issues. Hence, the final questions are:
  • How are the youth coping with the social-political condition present in their countries?
  • Should we expect new popular revolts against these authoritarian governments in the future? METHODS AND DATA COLLECTION Given that my research predominantly delves into both data and literature, it employs the combination of traditional quantitative and qualitative approaches (Brannen, 2012; Moss, 2012) that provides contextualization and interpretation of the materials. This project will employ a particular mixed-method approach known as the "exploratory sequential" (Edmonds, 2017; Kennedy, 2017), a progressive strategy utilized when qualitative (QUAL) data are complemented by quantitative (QUAN) findings. Additionally, it will utilizes the inductive reasoning, which indicates that it will engage in an open and reflective analysis of the readings taken into consideration to effectively address the final questions. In other words, it helps in extracting meaning from the gathered dataset to recognize patterns and relationships, thereby facilitating the construction of a theory. The data-collecting process that I will make use of in my work involves the summary or synthesis of data and literature that has been organized and published by others. Hence, by doing secondary research, I will mainly rely on academic peer-reviewed journals and published books and articles. REFERENCES Al-Hathloul, L. (2022). Dictators in Egypt and Saudi Arabia love smart cities projects — here’s why. [online] Access Now. Available at: https://www.accessnow.org/smart-cities-projects/. Diwan, K. (n.d.). Breaking Taboos: Youth Activism in the Gulf States. [online] Available at: https:// atlanticcouncil.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/03/Breaking_Taboos.pdf. Feldstein, S. (2021). Issues on the Frontlines of Technology and Politics DIGITAL DEMOCRACY NETWORK. [online] Available at: https://carnegieendowment.org/files/202110-Feldstein_Frontlines_final3.pdf. Freedom House. (2014) A Spectrum of Outcomes in North. (n.d.). Available at: https://freedomhouse.org/ sites/default/files/Middle%20East%20and%20North%20Africa%20Fact%20Sheet.pdf. Freedom House. (2023). Internet Freedom in the Middle East Remained Restricted in 2023. [online] Available at: https://freedomhouse.org/article/internet-freedom-middle-east-remained-restricted-2023. Giorgia Piovesan, The Security Distillery. (2023). Digital Authoritarianism in the Middle East. [online] Available at: https://thesecuritydistillery.org/all-articles/digital-authoritarianism-in-the-middle-east.