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Contemporary Urban Affairs
2019, Volume 3, Number 2 , pages 84 – 94
Re-visiting the Park: Reviving the “Cultural Park for
Children” in Sayyeda Zeinab in the shadows of Social
Sustainability
* 1 Dr. ZEINAB SHAFIK, 2 Dr. MENNAT-ALLAH EL-HUSSEINY
1&2 (^) Architecture Department, Faculty of Engineering, Cairo University, Cairo, Egypt E mail^1 : zeinabshafik@gmail.com E mail^2 : mennatallahelhusseiny@gmail.com
A B S T R A C T
This paper aims to question the level of success of one of Egypt’s contemporary
architectural milestones which is the Aga-Khan Award winning project of the Child
Park in Sayyeda Zeinab - designed by the Egyptian architect Abdel-Halim Ibrahim;
from a community participation perspective. Stemming from the fact that the level of
successful community participation in architecture and urban design projects
affects the sustainability of the added value, this paper tackles the current process of
operation of the Park and the adjacent pedestrian street, as complimentary aspects
of a community participatory process, and evaluates the social sustainability of the
project as well. The study sheds light on the operation of the park after twenty eight
years of the initiation of the project, it explores its functional and social role in the
district of Sayyeda, located at the center of Cairo city. However, the project has to
be revised and analysed from a critical perspective to evaluate the degree of its
success in affecting the local community, and the level to which it contributes to the
approach of local community participation. In order to achieve this end, the paper
adopts a two-fold methodology. The first is a literature review of the initial
ceremonial participatory process of building the Park and the initial role intended
by the architect whether related to the park itself or to the adjacent Abu-ElDahab
Street. The second methodology is a qualitative analysis of the current state of the
park and adjacent street, based on site investigations, behavioural mapping of the
current status, analysis of the roles of the beneficiaries, interviews conducted with
different stakeholders about the present challenges of the role of the park in the
district. Based on those two main research approaches, the paper concludes with a
framework and several guidelines to enhance the social sustenance of the place
through rephrasing the park’s role in relation to the changing needs of the
community.
CONTEMPORARY URBAN AFFAIRS (2019), 3 ( 2 ), 84 - 94.
Doi:10.25034/ijcua.2018. 4704 www.ijcua.com Copyright © 2018 Contemporary Urban Affairs. All rights reserved.
1. Introduction Reviews of many renowned projects reveal that the level of successful community participation in architecture and urban design projects affects the sustainability of the added value of such projects in their contexts. This paper aims to question the level of success of a contemporary architectural milestone in Egypt; namely the Aga-Khan Award winning project * Corresponding Author: Architecture Department, Faculty of Engineering, Cairo University, Cairo, Egypt E-mail address :^ zeinabshafik@gmail.com
A R T I C L E I N F O:
Article history: Received 04 February 2018 Accepted 08 May 201 8 Available online 12 October 2018 Keywords: Child Park; Community Participation; Social Sustainability. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution
- NonCommercial - NoDerivs 4.0. "CC-BY-NC-ND"
of the Child Park in Sayyeda Zeinab - designed by the Egyptian architect Abdel-Halim Ibrahim; from a community participation perspective. The Children Park was complemented by the project of Abu-ElDahab Pedestrian Street, both projects functioned collaboratively to respond to the needs of the adjacent community and establish the participatory approach for a sustainable development. After 28 years of its initiation the study revisits the project which was launched with much publicity raising high hopes to achieve its noble aspirations. The methodology adopted in this paper as shown below in (figure 1), is based on primarily, a literature review of the community participatory approaches in contexts of Heritage Value, followed by intial ceremonial particpatory process of building the Park and the intial role intended by the architect whether related to the park itself or to the adjacent Abu-ElDahab Street. Following that a qualitative analysis of the current state of the park and adjacent street is conducted, based on site investigations, behavioral mapping of the current status, analysis of the roles of the beneficiaries, interviews conducted with different stakeholders about the present challenges of the role of the park in the district. Based on those two main research approaches, the paper concludes with a framework and several guidelines to enhance the social sustenance of the context through rephrasing the park’s role in relation to the changing needs of the community. Figure 1 : Research Methodology, Authors, 2018.
2. Theoretical Overview to Community Participatory Approaches in Contexts of Heritage Value. According to (Bens, 1994), the international scale resources for social welfare services are becoming very limited. This is due to the pressures of population increase and the consequent changing priorities of governments. and the changing priorities for governments, (Bens, 1994). Thus, the utilization of non-professionals through citizen involvement mechanisms to address social problems has become more applicable in addressing the development demands of local communities, (Kaufman and Poulin, 1996). The term community participation is itself a rich concept that differs according to its application and definition. The way participation is defined also depends on the context in which it is implemented. The definitions selected here focus on the main spectrum of interest of this specific research study. Oakley and Marsden (1991) defined community participation as the process by which individuals, families, or communities assume responsibility for their own welfare and develop a capacity to contribute to their own and the community’s development. In the context of urban development, community participation refers to a dynamic process in which the beneficiaries influence the direction and execution of development projects rather than merely receive a share of project benefits (Bamberger, 1991). As to Arnstein (1969), citizen participation is the same as citizen power. However, she argues that there is a critical difference between going through the empty ritual of participation as a process only and having the real power needed to affect the outcome of the process itself. In the realm of urban development, participation in housing and urban service management is a process where people as consumers and producers of housing and urban services are involved in the planning, implementation and maintenance of the projects. Participation is based on voluntary relationships between various actors, which may include government institutions, individual housing and urban services users, community- based organizations, user groups, private enterprises, and non-governmental organizations, (Nour, 2011). Nour (2011) further asserts that the concept of participation in development is certainly not a new one. According to Moser (1987), in rural development, community participation has been evidenced as an important success
on whether the public’s encounter with democracy at the local level is a stimulating and satisfactory experience. It is evidenced that urban conflicts generate social exclusion which leads to deteriorated urban environment and political instability, Enyedi (2004). In order to achieve sustainable public participation, the process can be implemented as a formal or informal procedure. This procedure can be led either by formal decision maker’s intervention, or through informal designer led procedure as will be explained in the process of design of the Child Park.
4. Design Approaches and Philosophy of Aga-Khan Award winning “Community Park” This part will briefly explain the design process of the local case study which is the Child Park, depending of academic articles by the architect and other scholars. This explanation will be linked to the previous literature review to discuss the levels of community participation in the process as well as the sustainability of the participatory approach after years of operation and discuss the dilemma between intended values and implemented operations. It is important to note that the project was awarded the Aga Khan Award based on the community participation in the design process rather than an end product. The official name of the project is the ‘Cultural Park for Children’; the park designer, Architect Abdel Halim Ibrahim mostly refers to the project as ‘the community park while the manager simply describes it as ‘the child’s park’. In between ‘community’ and ‘child’ lies the conflict between the architect and the manager about the role of the park and its functional appropriateness. The ‘community park’ reflects the architect’s interest in the development of this community through the projection of his theoretical background, which is braced by the architect’s belief in the park as ‘an educational instrument’ (Saleh, 1989). The manager on the other hand showed more interest in the child’s everyday activities in the park. In other words, the architect read people through the wider social context of place, community, while, the manager read people as child’s activities within place, Abdel Wahab (2009). The architect introduces the event through a ‘Building Ceremonial’, which involved building up a full scale model in wooden poles and canvas of the fountain and exhibits, whereas platforms and terraces were marked on the ground. Dancers, musicians and artists were invited to participate as well as the community of Al-Houd Al-Marsoud. The intent was to show the community how the project would be; this is not part of the contemporary Egyptian building culture, Abdel Wahab (2009). According to the architect and designer of the park, the life and environment of the communities are regulated by an imposed, top-down process of planning and production which draws its principles from sources dislocated to the community and its cultures. The result is underdevelopment, and waste and destruction of the environment and its resources. The architect regards any environmental plan in context of these developing communities should be taken as an opportunity to re- establish the relation between the culture and the production of its environment. The responsibility of the architect in any public project in this context is to re-establish that relation; hence, the fundamental task of architecture is to try to understand local life, and search for the mechanisms that bridge the gap between technology and society, the material and spiritual, and become once more vital to communities in the process of the rejuvenation of their identities, (Ibrahim, 1996). The design concept was based on layers of symbols and of bridging the missing gap between the community and the park, (fig.3, 4). The first layer is the formal layout inspired by the spiral pattern whereby the components of the project are organized around the palm- tree promenade. The existing trees of the earlier Al-Hod Al- Marsoud garden were maintained and reinforced, becoming the main axis for the conceived geometry of the park. The starting point of this geometric order is, fittingly enough, also the place for water, the source of life and growth. The end point is a lone tree at the other extremity of the palm- tree axis. The site is then organized in stepped platforms following the geometry created by the spiral. The platforms move upwards toward the middle of the site to form an arena-like park, and then they turn in the opposite direction forming a downhill arrangement towards the end of the site where the museum is located. The theatre is situated at the turning point of the two movements. Those three elements, the water point, children’s museum, and the theatre are the main poles around which sets of activities, and hence meanings, are created within the realm of the park, (Ibrahim, 1996).
Figure 3 : Development of Park Design Concept, Ibrahim,
Figure 4 : Park Design Entry in the Competition, Ibrahim, 1996. The second layer is a circumstantial layout resulting from the ceremonial process. The building process was organized in a series of events, each of which combined technical work with cultural aspects of that particular operation. The park was built in stages, and the precise shape of each stage was defined as the work progressed. The building ceremony was thus not simply an empty ritual but a dynamic process where the static order of the original blueprint became flexible. Actual communication was established with local residents and creative decisions regarding how best to integrate the project into the community ensued, giving legitimacy to the process. Ideas and images emerged for the park that would not have transpired in the sterile environment of an architect’s drawing office (Ibrahim, 1996). In addition to the previous layers, the park wall, rather than preventing access, as is common in Cairo, became permeated by a series of openings to allow access to cultural facilities beyond. Again, in order to create a practical link between the service strip and abutting neighbors, the side street was pedestrianised. In addition, the Cairo Governorate was successfully lobbied to overrule an old expropriation law that prevented the renovation of the houses overlooking this street. Once residents were assured that their homes were not going to be demolished, they set about repairing their apartments, thereby upgrading the entire area. In our case, the surrounding community became vibrant with activities. Residents upgraded their homes, street weddings and festivals became once again a feature of the community. For two years they celebrated the impact of the park in improving their environment, (Ibrahim, 1996). However, after those two years, the official neglect by local authorities and the lack of institutional mechanisms at the community level to make up for this neglect led to the gradual deterioration of the street again. With no regular maintenance, elements like street lighting and regular garbage collection disappeared. As a result, the area once again appeared deserted and invited acts of vandalism from outside the area against the park. Drugs and prostitution, after being driven away for two years, reclaimed the territory. The proposed studios, shops, and community cafe along the side street, which were initially met with the much enthusiasm, failed to materialize due to government bureaucracy and now their establishment is looked on with skepticism and doubt. In response to formal mismanagement and the general sense of apathy in the community, some members chartered a community-based organization called the Abu Dahab Street Association to address these problems. Since its establishment the association has helped improve security in the area by lighting the streets once again and ensuring that they remain so. All these are positive indications of a community trying to have a bigger say in the nature of their surrounding urban environment and make the impact of the park in upgrading the area
Unfortunately the behavioral mapping and the observations show that the street is dead most of the time which is exaggerated by the absence of vehicular traffic as well. There are few active zones, as shown in figures 6, 7 and 8, which cover the behavioral mapping for the same place during different times of the day. The first one was the zone of “Ahmed Ninja” shop, which provides recreational activities for the youth in the neighborhood. The shop extends three billiard tables in the street, attracting youth playing billiards and others waiting for their turn, otherwise the place is so calm and most of the shops are closed. The second active zone is the wood workshops and little leftover wood in front of it. In this zone the street changes from pedestrian to Vehicle Street. The third active zone is at the end of the street, where car repairing shops with a coffee shop for people to wait for their cars there. Figure 6 : Activity and Users’ Mapping of the Park and adjacent street, BTU-Cottbus Double Msc Degree Students,
Figure 7 : Behavioral Mapping of the Park and Street, BTU- Cottbus Double Msc Degree Students, 2017. Figure 8 : Behavioral Mapping of the Park and Street, BTU- Cottbus Double Msc Degree Students, 2017. 5.2 Walk through and site observations In addition to the behavioral mapping which showed the various activities inside the park and in the adjacent street during different hours of the day, the authors conducted three consecutive walk through visits to highlight the major community oriented activities which take place in the park’s territory. The first visit was on the weekly holiday of Egyptians, which is Friday, (figures 9 and 10). As obvious in the photos, no activities related to the community were taking place on this vibrant day. As a matter of fact, only exceptional entry to the park was granted to the researchers based on a letter for research facilitation. However, no children were allowed in on the holiday, because since
the operation was held though the ministry of culture, the employees were also given that day a holiday. From another side, the pedestrian street appeared vacant and deserted as well, since no community oriented activities are taking place anymore. Figure 9 : View inside the Park on the weekend holiday, Authors, 2018. Figure 10 : View from Abu-ElDahab Street Entrance, Authors,
The second site visit was organized during a working week day. As shown in figures (11 and 12), the two main magnets for community activities were the theatre and the traditional arts corner. The theatre was exhibiting a homemade crafts exhibition and market whose income will be subjected to disabled children. This was organized by a national governmental school. However, due to the previously explained operational procedures, the visitors were merely the schools’ teachers and children from the National school. Those observations and site visits reflect the de-attachment between the park and community in a dramatic way. The park turned into a governmental type of building, rather than a positive community collector for various standards and age groups to engage and celebrate as initially intended in the building ceremony by the architect. Figures 11. Activities Inside the Park, Authors, 2018. Figure 12. Activities Inside the Park, Authors, 2018. The final field visit was conducted during the annual celebrations of Sayyeda Zeinab’s “Mulid”. As shown in figures 13 to 17, the pedestrian street seemed the most active in that period of time. Visitors from all over the country come to attend the celebration, one week beforehand. They build temporary prayer and accommodation spaces. However, celebrations and community interactions are limited to the outer walls of the park. No celebrations are admitted inside the park. Also, during the peak times of celebrations, the park operators close the park completely to avoid clashes with the visitors of the “Mulid”. The outer walls of the park are used as supports to the temporary structures. The mulid woodens posts and traditional tents are constructed with the approval and permission of the local authorities who are also present in the scene to restore order and ensure the safety and security of the worshipers and residents. The celebrations are never admitted inside the park; during the peak days of Mulid, the Ministry closes down the park completely to avoid clashes and disturbances from the “Mulid” visitors. Also participation in the Mulid is limited to Suffi worshipers; who are mostly
operating the shops built within the park wall as an arts and crafts center. The center would be leased by the ministry to local craftsmen and would establish the economic backbone to the project. The shops income would be the main resource supporting the organization. This financial and economic scenario was never implemented due to the change in policy exemplified by the change of the Minister of Culture. In absence of resources the project lost its main element of sustainability; and since then the idea of community participation was dismantled gradually The Ministry of Culture - the main authority in the park - operates it as a governmental bureau; changing craftsmen, artists and landscape designers into administrative employees; waiting for guranteed salaries hoping to exert minimum effort and spend less working hours in the park. concern is that any intervention of the park's operational system would make them work harder or for longer hours. Interviews with the children - the end users of the park - reveal that they are hoping for more exciting activities and extend working hours of the park. They hope for a park where all are admited equally to share the fun of the gatherings. Despite the concern of overcrowding the park; they still hope to be joined by their parents and peers in special events. Accordingly, it can be observed, that the lack of sustainable management of the park leads to diverse and conflicting aspirations between the project's benefices.
6. Discussion Based on the conducted analysis, it is crucial to start a new participatory process that integrates all concerned entities to reach a sustainable approach in which the park and the street can play a vital role in developing the community. The gap which is now occurring is expected to widen with time. Therefore, a comprehensive approach could be initiated by one of the local community organizations to adopt a strategy to strengthen social cohesion, foster local economy and promotes physical environment. 7. Conclusion The research studied one of the important milestones of contemporary Egyptian architectural additions. Although the Aga-Khan award winning park aimed to create community mobilization, the case nowadays is the complete opposite due to the operation and segregation of the park from its original role. It is highly recommended after the course of this research to maintain a sustainable approach based on social participation, economic sustainability and architectural upgrade to re-attract users to the park in order to maintain its original intended role in the community. References Abdelhalim, I. (1996). Culture, Environment, and Sustainability: Theoretical Notes and Reflection on a Community Park Project in Cairo. Sustainable Landscape Design in Arid Climates. William Reilly (Ed). Geneva: Aga Khan Trust for Culture. https://archnet.org/sites/775/publications/ Abdel Wahab, M. (2009). Reading Place: The Cultural Park for Children. FORUM Ejournal , 9 , 1-12. https://research.ncl.ac.uk/forum/v9i1/Papers/A bdelwahab%20(2009)%20Reading%20Pl ace.pdf Arnstein, S. (2007). A Ladder of Citizen Participation. Journal of the American Institute of Planners, 35 (4), 216 - 224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/ 77225 Bamberger, M. (1991). The importance of community participation. Public Administration and Development , 11(3) ,281–284. https://doi.org/10.1002/pad. Bens, C. (1994). Effective citizen involvement: How to make it happen. National Civic Review , 83 (1), 32 - 3 9. https://doi.org/10.1002/ncr. Chougill, M. (1996). A Ladder of Community Participation for Underdeveloped Countries. Habitat International, Elsevier Science Ltd , 20 (3), 431 - 444. https://doi.org/10.1016/0197- 3975(96)00020- 3 Enyedi, G. (2004). Public Participation In Socially Sustainable Urban Development. PCCS, Hungary: UNESCO/MOST Program and Centre for Regional Studies (Hungarian Academy of Sciences) with the co- operation of MTANITA Foundation (Budapest, Hungary) and the Hungarian MOST Liason Committee.
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