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India's role in a multipolar world, Lecture notes of Political Science

India's role in a multipolar world class notes which one can use to study both for college and competitive exams.

Typology: Lecture notes

2022/2023

Available from 05/16/2023

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Nehru and Non-alignment
1. Nehru was the principal architect of India’s foreign policy after independence, and his
conception of the country’s interests and values, and the ways in which it ought to pursue
them and engage with the world all continue to exercise significant influence. He was able
to occupy this commanding position because he was one of the few politicians in New
Delhi who had any understanding of international relations, because of the sheer power of
his intellect, personal charisma and energy.
2. Nehru had established himself as perhaps ‘the only Foreign Minister’ in the world ‘whose
policy virtually no one opposes’. Given postcolonial India’s much diminished resources –
and given that Partition had drawn new borders New Delhi could not adopt the British
approach to managing India’s relations with the rest of the world. Given the onset of the
Cold War, and the competition intensifying between the US and Soviet Union, there was
also a risk that another devastating conflict might break out, affecting India whether or not
it was directly involved.
3. The strategy that Nehru constructed nonalignment was intended to keep India from
becoming entangled in Cold War confrontations; give it as much of a free hand as possible
to negotiate for what it needed with the superpowers, as well as with other possible
partners; allow it to focus on addressing its domestic challenges, especially economic
development; and permit it to articulate a new way of conducting international relations. It
complemented his government’s attempt to modernize through central planning,
knowledge and technology transfer, and ambitious infrastructure projects, which aimed to
make India as economically independent as it could be.
Non-Alignment after Nehru
1. Nehru’s approach to China was one of the issues that was criticised, both within the
Congress Party and by their political opponents. Nehru was challenged within and outside
parliament, about this management of relations with Beijing, about the Panchsheel, the
recognition of China’s suzerainty over Tibet, and India’s support for the Dalai Lama and
his government.
2. India needed to change course and stop indulging China and advancing its interests, cut
diplomatic relations with Beijing. India’s leaders realised that, in times of emergency, the
UN system was unlikely to function as it was designed and that one or other superpower
was unlikely to come to the country’s aid, in the absence of a formal alliance or some other
kind of security guarantee. Moreover, it was widely recognised that India needed to invest
in building military power.
3. In the latter half of the 1960s and through the 1970s, India invested in its armed forces,
pursued a nuclear weapons programme leading to a bomb test in 1974, but not to the
development of a deterrent and forged a close economic and security partnership with
the Soviets, signing a Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation in 1971.
4. It also became more interventionist in its region, using its forces to split Pakistan in two
in 1971 and then, sometime later, to intercede in political crises and civil conflicts in the
Maldives and fatefully in Sri Lanka. In so doing, and by investing in its navy, in
particular, India sought to establish a kind of the Monroe Doctrine for South Asia and the
Indian Ocean.
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Nehru and Non-alignment

  1. Nehru was the principal architect of India’s foreign policy after independence, and his conception of the country’s interests and values, and the ways in which it ought to pursue them and engage with the world all continue to exercise significant influence. He was able to occupy this commanding position because he was one of the few politicians in New Delhi who had any understanding of international relations, because of the sheer power of his intellect, personal charisma and energy.
  2. Nehru had established himself as perhaps ‘the only Foreign Minister’ in the world ‘whose policy virtually no one opposes’. Given postcolonial India’s much diminished resources – and given that Partition had drawn new borders – New Delhi could not adopt the British approach to managing India’s relations with the rest of the world. Given the onset of the Cold War, and the competition intensifying between the US and Soviet Union, there was also a risk that another devastating conflict might break out, affecting India whether or not it was directly involved.
  3. The strategy that Nehru constructed – nonalignmen t – was intended to keep India from becoming entangled in Cold War confrontations; give it as much of a free hand as possible to negotiate for what it needed with the superpowers, as well as with other possible partners; allow it to focus on addressing its domestic challenges, especially economic development; and permit it to articulate a new way of conducting international relations. It complemented his government’s attempt to modernize through central planning, knowledge and technology transfer, and ambitious infrastructure projects, which aimed to make India as economically independent as it could be.

Non-Alignment after Nehru

  1. Nehru’s approach to China was one of the issues that was criticised, both within the Congress Party and by their political opponents. Nehru was challenged within and outside parliament, about this management of relations with Beijing, about the Panchsheel , the recognition of China’s suzerainty over Tibet, and India’s support for the Dalai Lama and his government.
  2. India needed to change course and stop indulging China and advancing its interests, cut diplomatic relations with Beijing. India’s leaders realised that, in times of emergency, the UN system was unlikely to function as it was designed and that one or other superpower was unlikely to come to the country’s aid, in the absence of a formal alliance or some other kind of security guarantee. Moreover, it was widely recognised that India needed to invest in building military power.
  3. In the latter half of the 1960s and through the 1970s, India invested in its armed forces, pursued a nuclear weapons programme – leading to a bomb test in 1974, but not to the development of a deterrent – and forged a close economic and security partnership with the Soviets, signing a Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation in 1971.
  4. It also became more interventionist in its region, using its forces to split Pakistan in two in 1971 and then, sometime later, to intercede in political crises and civil conflicts in the Maldives and – fatefully – in Sri Lanka. In so doing, and by investing in its navy, in particular, India sought to establish a kind of the Monroe Doctrine for South Asia and the Indian Ocean.
  1. And New Delhi grew more vocal in its criticism of US policy, and in a bid to regain some leadership in the postcolonial world, strongly backed the formalised Non Aligned Movement, founded in 1961. It also became a prominent advocate of a so-called New International Economic Order, calling for a redistribution of wealth and market power from global North to global South.
  2. In the latter half of the Cold War, India thus remained formally unaligned and without treaty allies, in particular. But its semi-dependence on the Soviet Union in trade and arms, as well as its active promotion of ‘Third World-ism’ meant that its ties with the West became attenuated. The US and India, in particular, ended up ‘estranged’, despite an attempt to reset relations during the 1980s, under Indira and then, more purposefully, Rajiv Gandhi.

Narashima Rao and Gujral Doctrine

  1. Two events at either end of 1991 – the First Gulf War in January and February of that year, and then the collapse of the Soviet Union in December – threw India’s strategy into disarray. New Delhi began a new process of diplomatic outreach. The Soviet Union’s demise at the end of 1991 robbed India of a friend in international relations and especially in key institutions, including the UNSC, an economic partner willing to trade on favorable terms, and a reliable supplier of military equipment. In the 1990s Russia continued to provide arms, but its own woes rendered it steadily less useful to India as the decade wore on.
  2. To compensate, especially economically, Rao’s government sought to revitalise relations with a series of states in East Asia, a region undergoing a rapid transformation, as Southeast Asia, South Korea, and, of course, China emulated Japan’s post-war economic miracle. In September 1993, Rao visited Beijing, concluding a landmark agreement on managing the border dispute with the People’s Republic, and then Seoul, where he tried to convince Korean businesses to invest in the Indian market.
  3. ‘Look east’ was intended to boost both foreign direct investment (FDI) flows into India from East Asia and trade, as well as to reconnect with the local Indian diaspora and draw on their economic know-how. From the start, however, it also had a significant strategic component, as New Delhi sought to diversify its diplomatic and security relationships to help manage some of the challenges posed by a rapidly rising China.
  4. Rao’s domestic reforms, which dismantled many state controls and partially opened India’s economy to trade and investment, his Look East policy, and his decision to test a nuclear weapons, albeit rescinded, were significant departures from earlier approaches to managing India’s international relations.
  5. Rao lost the general election and relinquished the leadership of Congress. Three Prime Ministers followed in quick succession: Vajpayee for a mere 13 days, H.D. Deve Gowda for almost 11 months, and then I.K. Gujral for almost a year. Of these, only the last left an enduring mark in foreign policy. First as Deve Gowda’s EAM, and then, between April 1997 and May 1998, combining that role with the prime ministership, Gujral articulated a distinct doctrine that recalled aspects of Nehru’s thinking, but also prefigured the strategies of later governments, including elements of Modi’s.
  6. The Gujral doctrine :

in the aftermath of September 11, 2001, New Delhi made a broad offer to aid the US in its fight against al Qaeda and its backers.

Multi-alignment

  1. Together, partial economic liberalisation and opening up, the Look East policy, the Gujral Doctrine, the acquisition of nuclear weapons, and the improvement of relations with Washington, shifted India away from th overtly ideological and reflexively anti-Western approach it had taken in the latter half of the Cold War toward a more pragmatic approach. It did not imply, however, a complete rejection of Nehru’s legacy, nor of the ideal of nonalignment.
  2. The Singh Doctrine of strategic autonomy: i) India’s relations with the world would be shaped by its own developmental priorities. ii) It maintained that India’s prosperity depended on further integration into the global economy, not a return to semi-autarkic swadeshi , with excessive government control. iii) It recognised that India’s relationships with the great powers were ‘shaped by economic factors’, including access to energy resources, and that foreign policy needed to be attentive to this reality. iv) It held that deeper economic integration was needed in South Asia and that India should take the lead in bringing it about. v) It suggested, somewhat tentatively, that lessons learned from India’s democratic and development experience should be passed on to others. vi) It held that India ought to play a bigger role in helping other states transition to democratic politics and open economic systems
  3. By the end of Singh’s administration in 2014, India had assembled about 30 partnership arrangements, most formalized in joint statements after summits. Vajpayee agreed six, with the US, above all, but also with France, Germany, Iran, Japan and Russia. To these, Singh added deals with a series of Indo-Pacific states, including Afghanistan, Australia, China, Indonesia, Malaysia, South Korea and Vietnam, with the ASEAN groupings as a whole, and with some significant others, including Brazil, the EU, Kazakhstan, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan.
  4. Under Singh, India became a member of the ASEAN-centred East Asia Summit and an official observer at the Sino-Russian Shanghai Cooperation Organisation , both in 2005. A year later, it joined with Brazil, China and Russia in the BRIC forum, which became the BRICS when South Africa was added in 2010. At the same time, India had also embraced its membership in the revamped Group of G20), which became central to the global response to the financial crisis during 2008. These developments recognised India’s arrival as a major economy and a player of growing political and military weight.
  5. Modi devoted extraordinary energy to diplomacy, building relationships with other world leaders, crafting joint ‘vision statements’, and making a particular point of attending multilateral meetings, from the Group of 20 (G20) in Brisbane in November 2014 to the East Asia Summit in Singapore four years later.
  6. Modi’s government took a series of dramatic, unexpected actions too, approving, as we will see, long stalled proposed defence agreements with the US, confronting China over its infrastructure projects, and ordering raids on militant camps in Pakistan and Pakistani- administered Kashmir in the wake of terrorist attacks. Modi and his allies also took pains

to try to craft a new narrative for Indian foreign policy, one that reflected Hindu nationalist understandings of the world.

  1. Like Singh too, but indeed also like Gujral and Vajpayee, Modi promised to focus attention on India’s immediate neighbourhood – on improving bilateral ties with each South Asian state, on upgrading connectivity between them, and on mutual economic benefit. ‘ Sabka Saath; Sabka Vikas. Modi declared in 2017, recalling a key campaign slogan from three years earlier, ‘is not just a vision for India’, but for the world, and especially for South Asia.