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Understanding Total Institutions in Healthcare: Erving Goffman's 'Asylums', Exams of Nursing

Erving goffman's work 'asylums: essays on the social situation of mental patients and other inmates', published in 1961. The connections between goffman's account of life in a 'mental hospital' and the film 'one flew over the cuckoo's nest'. It reflects on the degree to which total institutions in healthcare have changed and questions whether the social processes of control and bureaucratic administration have been eliminated. The document also delves into the concept of 'mortification of self' and the five types of institutions, including nursing homes and hospitals.

What you will learn

  • What are the social processes of total institutions according to Erving Goffman?
  • How does the concept of 'mortification of self' impact vulnerable individuals in healthcare settings?
  • What are the five types of total institutions identified by Erving Goffman and how do they apply to modern healthcare?

Typology: Exams

2021/2022

Uploaded on 09/27/2022

arwen
arwen 🇬🇧

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“NOTI CE: this is the author’s versi on of a work that was a ccept ed for publ icati on in Nurse Edu catio n T oday
Chang es re sulti ng from the publishing process, such as p eer r eview, editing, corre ction s, structu ral formatt ing,
and ot her quality co ntrol mechan isms ma y not be r eflec ted in th is document. Changes may ha ve been made to
this work since it was submitted for p ublic ation. A defini tive versi on was su bseque ntly publ ished in N urse
Educa tion Today 33 ( 2) 20 12
Big Ideas
Erving Goffman and the 'Total Institution'
The four essays in Erving Goffman's work Asylums: Essays on the Social Situation of Mental
Patients and Other Inmates were published in 1961, and anyone who has both read the book and
seen the film One flew over the cuckoo's nest will not fail to make the connections between the two.
The vivid depiction of institutional life in the film may be considered a relic of history, and
Goffman's account of life in a 'mental hospital' a bygone era. Asylums may have been demolished
and the care of vulnerable adults transferred to community settings. However, we may wish to
reflect upon the degree to which the social processes of total institutions also lie in ruins, to be
replaced by respect, dignity, autonomy and beneficence. Of course, the answer has to be that total
institutions in health care are no more: we consider that we have banished paternalism and
'institutionalising' practices to the dustbin of history. However, given the reports of poor quality
care in too many care organisations (and not just in the UK), we might want to revisit Goffman and
ask ourselves: ‘To what degree have modern healthcare organisations moved on in the mode of
delivery and bureaucratic control of patients and clients in their care, or is there something
inherently totalising in the very fabric of their being?’
We might want to consider the obvious point that although the total institution was manifest (often
literally) in concrete form, its social processes are not. They arise from human interaction, which
itself both constructs and is constructed by individuals based on their values, culture and taken-for-
granted social practices. As Foucault, among others, reminded us, these also operate within a matrix
of power relationships. Thus, demolishing the concrete does not necessarily demolish the social; the
totalising processes may simply transfer to new concrete settings.
Total Institutions are characterised by the bureaucratic control of the human needs of a group of
people, and it operates through the mechanism of the ‘mortification of self’. Goffman outlined 5
types of institution (prisons, asylums, military barracks and certain religious orders), and for our
purposes these include nursing homes and hospitals where vulnerable people who may or may not
be a threat to themselves and society are controlled for the purposes of treating or managing an
illness or condition, be it chronic or acute.
Goffman defines total institutions as social arrangements that are regulated according to one
rational plan and that occur under one roof. The 'total institution', then, is a ‘living space’ in which
people who share a similar social situation (for example those in need of health and social care) are
cut off from the wider society for a considerable time. They lead an enclosed, 'formally
administered round of life' (p11) encompassing many of their activities of daily living such as
sleeping, eating, working and playing. In civil society we work, play and sleep in different places
with different persons under different authorities. In total institutions these three activity spheres of
life lose their separate boundaries in various ways.
First, life is experienced and controlled in the same place by the same central authority. Second,
activities of daily living are conducted often in the presence of a large group of people in similar
circumstances. These others may be treated very similarly and may be required to do the same
things jointly. Third, all phases of daily activities are carefully planned, with one activity leading
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“NOTICE: this is the author’s version of a work that was accepted for publication in Nurse Education Today Changes resulting from the publishing process, such as peer review, editing, corrections, structural formatting, and other quality control mechanisms may not be reflected in this document. Changes may have been made to this work since it was submitted for publication. A definitive version was subsequently published in Nurse Education Today 33 (2) 2012 Big Ideas Erving Goffman and the 'Total Institution' The four essays in Erving Goffman's work Asylums: Essays on the Social Situation of Mental Patients and Other Inmates were published in 1961, and anyone who has both read the book and seen the film One flew over the cuckoo's nest will not fail to make the connections between the two. The vivid depiction of institutional life in the film may be considered a relic of history, and Goffman's account of life in a 'mental hospital' a bygone era. Asylums may have been demolished and the care of vulnerable adults transferred to community settings. However, we may wish to reflect upon the degree to which the social processes of total institutions also lie in ruins, to be replaced by respect, dignity, autonomy and beneficence. Of course, the answer has to be that total institutions in health care are no more: we consider that we have banished paternalism and 'institutionalising' practices to the dustbin of history. However, given the reports of poor quality care in too many care organisations (and not just in the UK), we might want to revisit Goffman and ask ourselves: ‘To what degree have modern healthcare organisations moved on in the mode of delivery and bureaucratic control of patients and clients in their care, or is there something inherently totalising in the very fabric of their being?’ We might want to consider the obvious point that although the total institution was manifest (often literally) in concrete form, its social processes are not. They arise from human interaction, which itself both constructs and is constructed by individuals based on their values, culture and taken-for- granted social practices. As Foucault, among others, reminded us, these also operate within a matrix of power relationships. Thus, demolishing the concrete does not necessarily demolish the social ; the totalising processes may simply transfer to new concrete settings. Total Institutions are characterised by the bureaucratic control of the human needs of a group of people, and it operates through the mechanism of the ‘mortification of self’. Goffman outlined 5 types of institution (prisons, asylums, military barracks and certain religious orders), and for our purposes these include nursing homes and hospitals where vulnerable people who may or may not be a threat to themselves and society are controlled for the purposes of treating or managing an illness or condition, be it chronic or acute. Goffman defines total institutions as social arrangements that are regulated according to one rational plan and that occur under one roof. The 'total institution', then, is a ‘living space’ in which people who share a similar social situation (for example those in need of health and social care) are cut off from the wider society for a considerable time. They lead an enclosed, 'formally administered round of life' (p11) encompassing many of their activities of daily living such as sleeping, eating, working and playing. In civil society we work, play and sleep in different places with different persons under different authorities. In total institutions these three activity spheres of life lose their separate boundaries in various ways. First, life is experienced and controlled in the same place by the same central authority. Second, activities of daily living are conducted often in the presence of a large group of people in similar circumstances. These others may be treated very similarly and may be required to do the same things jointly. Third, all phases of daily activities are carefully planned, with one activity leading

into the next at a prearranged time and often to meet organisational rather than individual needs. The social processes of the ‘mortification of self’ evolve and develop over time, and thus very short episodes of care that quickly lead to discharge may avoid totalising and bureaucratic control. Totalising is also related to the degree to which the patient or client is excluded from knowledge of the decisions taken about them concerning their treatments. A person's self is mortified by the following processes:

  1. Role dispossession. One loses the various roles played out in civil society and instead becomes the patient or client, which is sometimes allied to the expectations of the ‘sick role’.
  2. Programming and identity trimming. The self is reduced to often numerical data to be held in the data base and files of the organisation.
  3. Dispossession of property, name, and one’s ‘identity kit’ , i.e. those artefacts that identify who we are.
  4. Imposition of degrading postures, stances, and deference patterns often justified on the grounds of the necessity of medical or nursing interventions.
  5. Contaminative exposure. This occurs when the organisation offers little or no private space so that our private activities are hard to conceal. One may experience interpersonal contact which results in ‘status-contamination’, i.e. the forced mixing of different statuses and ages which occurs for example in mixed sex wards. One may also lose the ability to differentiate one’s status when a more formal style of address is lost and the staff use terms of ‘endearment’ or epithets such as ‘my love’, ‘dearie’ or ‘sweetie’.
  6. The disruption of the usual relationship between the individual and their actions/behaviours. This occurs when there are organisational rules for individual actions which otherwise would be under the individual’s control. For example, making a cup of tea at one’s home occurs at one’s total discretion, whereas in a nursing home the organisation may set out rules and procedures for such an activity.
  7. Restrictions on self-determination , autonomy, and freedom of action. It becomes difficult or impossible to develop and pursue interests, make choices or associate with others of one's own choosing. This is not just because of one’s physical or mental frailties, it also results from the organisation’s bureaucratic controls. What can we learn from Goffman’s typology? The first point is that the patients’ and clients’ experience results from taken-for-granted organisational processes that professionals (the ‘ tinkering trades’ p281) may not at first think are totalising. Second, that this typology may be a continuum in that a particular organisation may exhibit certain processes, but not all of them, which then may predispose it to exhibiting degrees of totalising practice. Third, that we cannot assume that the demise of large asylums has meant the demise of totalising organisational social systems. Fourth, that staff could be socialised into these practices by organisational processes that act both upon patient and staff member. Fifth, that as health and social care needs of an increasingly elderly population unfold, the pressures on the current system may lead to more rather than less of a totalising process in certain organisations. Sixth, privatising health services delivered by ‘any willing provider’ may have objectives which militate against an individual’s freedoms and