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This handout is for Introduction to Pakistan course. It was provided by Prof. Ahmad Shah at Nalanda Open University. It includes: Balochistan, Media, Stress, Journalism, Monitored, Province, Partisan, Independent, Siege, Negative, Training
Typology: Exercises
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Balochistan. In the centre, Khuzdar district has For every independent newspaper and journalist, seen more journalists killed than any other place there are several that are pro-government. Here in Balochistan. the threat flows from nationalist and militant separatist organizations because publicity (or Along the coast is the Gwadar seaport where (^) propaganda) or coverage is tipped in favour of international interest and contradictory policies (^) authorities in case of the local pro-government or and politics have spurred conflict over autonomy (^) mainstream media, often provoking a violent and access to local resources, the development (^) reaction. In the provincial capital, Quetta, and control of the port and cities along the coast. (^) tribalism holds sway in corridors of power – the With the sense of deprivation feeding alienation, (^) present governor and the chief minister are tribal this issue fuels the Baloch insurgency and the (^) chiefs and almost all of the former office holders state’s highhanded response to it. This has had a (^) were powerful tribal chiefs - and newspapers negative impact on the growth of journalism, (^) dependent on official advertisements stay quite media space and freedom of speech in the region. (^) about tribal taboos or the repressive tribal sardari
The people living in the coastal districts of system. Balochistan are free of tribal influences. Being (^) The international interest in Balochistan also contiguous to Karachi and the Gulf, the population (^) complicates the equation because the official here is forward looking, open to education and (^) circles and newspapers have their own policies social change. The region is where the Baloch (^) about how to treat the Americans, the Chinese, intellectual capital is concentrated and most of (^) the Iranian, the Afghan or the Indian influence in the people in government posts come from here. (^) the province. Grappling with enormous This is also where Dr Allah Nazar’s Balochistan (^) challenges compounded by lack of professional Liberation Front – an underground separatist (^) training and support, media in Balochistan m o ve m e n t w i t h b a c k i n g f ro m B a l o c h (^) negotiate a minefield of direct and indirect threats intelligentsia and the middle class – is active. (^) stemming from reporting on a region where
In Quetta, the provincial capital, where the media multiple forces are out to control information in a activity is concentrated, journalists come from conflict that is as much an armed battle as it is a different ethnic and linguistic backgrounds. They propaganda war. are an inspired lot, educated and motivated to (^) Finally due to all these biases – personal or policy raise a voice for their province. Where most (^) related – the truth hardly ever comes out or is too information is generated for the local, national (^) controversial for journalists to dare. Journalism, in and international media in Quetta, it remains a (^) the words of a veteran journalist in Quetta, was in garrison city with a mistrustful security mindset (^) better health at the start of the new millennium. shaped by decades of conflict and separatist (^) With deterioration in political institutions and politics stemming from resentment against the (^) security environment in the troubled province, centre’s neglect of the province. Journalists work (^) there has been a decline in standards of in an environment marked by fear, rampant (^) journalism directly in response to the conflict over obstruction and intimidation. In many cases, (^) the last ten years. And like all institutions aimed at information is vetted by security agencies and the (^) serving the public interest, it can’t be expected to state employs coercive tactics like restriction on (^) improve unless a political solution to problems of advertisements and print material to browbeat (^) Balochistan is found. media into submission. Reporting from a troubled region is stacked with Balochistan doesn’t have a private industrial base, (^) danger and journalists cannot be safe unless their the economy sustained by the government sector (^) capacity on reporting ethically, sensitively and giving it much influence over local businesses. In (^) professionally is dramatically improved and a case of media, it comes in the form of (^) resource and support system developed and advertisements. And if that doesn’t work, there (^) sustained that focuses on helping them stay safe are disappearances, killings and shutting down (^) and secure to keep the flow running of newspaper offices, a trend that has registered an (^) information uncluttered from all round alarming spike in recent months and years in the (^) propaganda that permeates the province. backdrop of insurgency in the province.
ohot si khabrain jaib main hoti hain magar sectarian killings fearing he may be targeted. report nahi kar saktay (there’s are lots of stories in our pockets but we can’t report)”, The journalists talk in hushed tones as if walls have a journalist on phone, overheard while speaking to ears. And maybe they do in Balochistan. a desk head at his TV channel (^) When it comes to news in Pakistan’s largest
a Thursday afternoon in November 2011, province ravaged by conflict and insurgency, there outrageous prices of sacrificial animals before Eid are no “lean” days. Any given day, there is a surfeit Ul Adha preoccupy men in frenzied streets of of stories, mostly bad ones, the kind media thrives Quetta. Business and politics, the staple of street on. News-editors don’t have to worry about conversation on Jinnah Road, have been replaced setting aside stories to carry another day when a by an immediate dilemma - whether to offer a newspaper^ is^ short^ of^ news^ –^ say^ Sunday. sacrifice this year or not. Meanwhile, in Kabir However, what journalists do have to contend Building at the end of the road, two reporters are with on a daily basis is the choice to kill or carry wrangling with a tough decision of a different sort. them.
The conversation in Kabir Building – Quetta’s Fleet The decision can be tough on journalists but then Street where national and international media they are reporting on the toughest beat one can offices jostle for space in a circa 1950 building ask for - Balochistan. Torn between duty, ambition compound - is about a Lashkar-e- Jhangvi – the relentless drive that is breaking news to keep mastermind arrested by authorities. a job or hunger for a scoop – and the anxiety to stay safe, journalists in Balochistan are watchful of The journalists say the man from Lashkar -e- both news and the consequences of reporting it. Jhangvi, a militant Sunni organization claiming Since 2008, 14 dead journalists have fallen on the responsibility for sectarian violence in Quetta, is wrong side of the equation in Balochistan, among architects of recent attacks targeting the becoming a consequence of their profession. Shia Hazara community. In Pakistan - where 76 journalists have died in the One of the reporters, a photo-journalist, wants to line of duty between January 2000 and December take pictures of the Lashkar man for a foreign 2011 making it one of the most dangerous wire-service. He has access to the jail where the countries for journalists in the world – the man is held. His reporter’s instincts are focused province of Balochistan has seen a high count of on the big story, ignoring for a moment what is casualties within a short span of time with no let very clear to his colleague who asks: “But is it up. Jawed Nasir Rind, was killed as recent as worth your life?” November 5, 2011 – when this report was researched and written – bringing the number of “If we carry the story, it will be a major blow to the (^) journalists killed in Balochistan to three in 2011 organization. They will think we are out to serve (^) alone. According to the International Federation the interest of Shia community, the police”, says (^) of Journalists, “Balochistan was the most his colleague who works for a news TV network. (^) dangerous region of the most dangerous country
In the end, they decide that a picture showing the in^ the^ world^ for^ journalists^ in^ 2010.^ Of^97 Laskhkar man or a news strip on TV is not worth journalists killed worldwide last year, 15 died in the price. A Hazara journalist working for Dawn Pakistan.^ Of^ that^ number,^ six^ deaths^ were News TV channel based in the same compound reported in Balochistan.” left the city earlier in the year in the wake of (^) The two reporters agonizing over the story of
On
I
n June 2009, the BBC’s Ayub Tareen interviewed they call to say you give more space to the Baloch the Baloch leader Dr Allah Nazar in hiding. When Liberation Army and not the Baloch Republican the interview was aired, Tareen was questioned Army or claim this or that organization is fake. Then by security agencies about the location of the again, just how many stories of attacks on gas Baloch leader: “I told them I was blindfolded. They pipelines, electricity towers, railway lines and wanted copies of video footage and threatened to phone lines can you carry? When we don’t report stop it from getting aired or face consequences. The due to lack of confirmation, there are threats. There interview was aired on radio but the video was held is a difference between print and electronic media. back from the website.” Print has more space whereas radio or TV can do only a story once in a while. So when we don’t, “Journalism maybe the Fourth Estate elsewhere but (^) there are threats. What we do in Balochistan is not it is certainly not in Balochistan”, says Ayub Tareen. (^) journalism, it is forced journalism. What we do here “If the poor does something wrong, the media (^) is not journalism but a job and it can’t even be that drags them through muck but the powerful and the (^) because you do a job of your own free will, here you influential gets away with murder. You want to talk (^) are forced to report on what you know is not news.” to the Hazaras who are being killed, the Baloch IDPs, the relatives of missing persons but you can’t. You On August 26, 2011, a Baloch organization can gather news and soundbites and send it to your threatened Ayub that he and his family would bear office but you can’t do it in your voice.” the consequences if there is not enough coverage of their activities. The BBC Urdu World Service Even when journalists do send stories to (^) carried the story asking the organization what was it newspapers or TV networks, they cannot ensure if (^) they wanted and if threats to media went in their they will be carried. What is news from a local (^) favour. The BBC asked Ayub to move to Islamabad perspective may not be significant from the (^) which he refused. He was asked to stop filing stories national perspective. While on the national (^) and go on leave. This he did. A month later, the networks, developments in Balochistan do find (^) proscribed organization’s head called Ayub to space in news-strips if not screen, the international (^) apologize and he started working again. “It is the media can’t provide even that. The BBC Urdu, for (^) same all over again, the same calls and demands”, example, has an hour long programme in the (^) says Ayub who feels the journalists should go to evening with everything from regional, national, (^) their organizations and journalist support bodies as international and sports thrown in the mix. With so (^) soon as they receive a threat. Doing so minimizes much vying for space in a short time, news from (^) the chances of real harm and can result in Balochistan often go missing from the bulletins. (^) withdrawal of threat.
Says the BBC’s Ayub Tareen: “I get calls from (^) The Voice of America (VOA) focuses more on insurgents in Dera Bugti or Kohlu claiming they have (^) Talibanization in the region and especially Quetta, killed this many soldiers in attack on a military (^) long believed to be home to the Taliban leader convoy. You can’t confirm it from journalists (^) Mullah Omar. According to Ayub, they don’t follow because there are none in Dera Bugti or Kohlu. So (^) the Balochistan story all that much but the BBC you depend on the administration but they don’t (^) does: “Over 80 per cent of the news I file are about know. Often incidents and attacks are claimed even (^) the troubles in Baloch areas. It is a reality that is the before they occur. Sometimes they call to say that it (^) issue here. The world wants to know. In the Pashtun will happen in the next few days. There are daily (^) area, there is Talibanization. ” This focus on calls from these groups and they want their news to (^) “sensitive” news has cost the VOA correspondent be included in the bulletin. And then there are (^) Naseer Kakar his job who, after receiving threats, rivalries between the insurgent groups. Sometimes (^) has relocated to the US.
Free or Forced Journalism?
any others, though, continue to live In September this year, the paramilitary force with threats such as the editor of the Frontier Constabulary stopped Intikhab from daily Intikhab, a newspaper that has distribution on the Balochistan University Campus for 23 years raised voice for the people of the – a ferment of student politics – saying it was not province. Its tough anti-establishment stance on “government friendly”. Around the same time, issues of Balochistan hasn’t earned the the FC posted uniformed men outside the newspaper any friends. Published from Quetta newspaper office without giving any reason. and Hub, the newspaper was only second to Jang “When asked, they said, it was for the security of for the government’s advertisement quota once. the newspaper even when we hadn’t asked for it”, Now it is fourth. says Sajidi.
“The Ministry of Information has a secret book Last year, FC men monitored the dailies with a list of top ten pro-establishment Balochistan Express and Azadi, edited by Sidiq newspapers, complete with colour codes assigned Baloch, who went to Chief Minister Raisani for in relation to greater coverage of the government, help. Daily Asap, another pro-Baloch, anti- the opposition and others”, says Intikhab’s editor establishment paper run by a former secretary Jan Anwar Sajjidi. “Even though we were in the top ten Mohammad Dashti was closed down in protest according to coverage and circulation, we never against FC monitoring. The owner left for England received any adverts from the federal among concerns for his safety. He has returned government.” since then but the paper is now only issued as a dummy newspaper. The editor Anwar Sajidi, highly respected in the local press circles, was named in the hit list of a militant organization, Baloch Tehreek-e-Nifaz-e- (^) Media is where brinkmanship in the divisive Aman [Balochistan Movement for Enforcment of (^) Balochistan politics is played out between political Peace], which surfaced after the Chief Minister (^) parties competing for advantage and relevance. Raisani’s nephew was killed in a bomb attack in (^) The competition often turns dirty, with parties August this year. The attack was aimed at the chief (^) demanding greater space in relation to others or minister’s brother but he survived with injuries. (^) prominent placement in media. In case of media’s The organization’s hit list had names of people (^) failure to comply, there are threats. Stories of that it blamed for the attack, allegedly because (^) political processions and student groups they were associated with the pro-independence (^) ransacking newspaper offices, arson of Baloch insurgent group that had claimed (^) newspaper property and burning or stopping responsibility for the attacks. (^) delivery of newspaper are common in
“Intikhab is read in Mastung, Turbat, Panjgur and Balochistan. Gwadar that are hotbeds of Baloch insurgency”, (^) While the local newspapers are generally says Anwar Sajidi. “Being sensitive, this area poses (^) amenable to harass and control tactics of political all the more threat to us with militants forcing our (^) parties, the mainstream national newspapers reporters to carry their statements, which we do (^) have to pay the price for complying if only because anyways.” The newspaper’s correspondent in (^) editorial decisions are made in Karachi and Gwadar has received threats for being “pro- (^) Lahore. Also, where the local press thrives on Pakistan” whereas its Turbat correspondent (^) statements, the national media focuses on news. Manzoor Baloch has received threats for being “a (^) Political parties that release frequent statements spy of the intelligence agencies.” (^) and handouts want these to be carried in
he correspondent and employer equation political pressures create problems for reporters. in the districts has taken an ironical twist – “They want news for the tickers – figures of Nato for the worse, adding to the burden of soldiers killed in Taliban attacks or Taliban killed in correspondent running on empty when it comes security operations – but not the local protests to salary or support from his organization. “It against such activities and violence”, says Noor used to be khud be khilao aur humain bhi khilao Zaman. “These protests are often held by religious [benefit yourself and benefit us also], now it is elements or local political parties depending on khud bhi bacho aur hamain bhi Bachao [stay safe their interests and response to an event. They yourself and keep us safe too]” , says Noor Zaman expect media to cover it. But media is only Achakzai, a journalist from the border town interested in tickers not event coverage. It makes Chaman, who works with Geo TV and daily Jang. them angry and the anger is often directed at us, the local correspondents.” Working without salary, whenever the journalists asked for wages or contract, they were told by The Taliban, says Niamat Ullah Sarhadi, a their organization “khud be khilao aur humain bhi correspondent for VOA Radio and Express News khilao” – feed yourself and also feed us, an TV based in Chaman, are fairly organized. They allusion to the fact that you can use your status as don’t pose direct threat to journalists, he says. a journalist to get favours without us paying you. They, however, create an environment that is far Now the organizations expect journalists to “khud more hostile than a direct threat. “They send out bhi bacho aur hamain bhi bachao” – protect pamphlets saying the media is carrying news yourself and also protect us. about Nato, the Americans and Karzai in Afghanistan but not Taliban activities”, says The irony that not paying correspondents exposes (^) Niamat Ullah. “They say stop promoting the them to unprofessional practices and pressures (^) infidels and enter the ranks of the believers.” This and further imperils their lives and profession is (^) suggests that journalists are not Muslims, or lost on those pushing journalists for breaking (^) friends of Muslims, if they side with foreign news and risky beats without financial or logistical (^) powers in Afghnaistan – which journalists in support. Living and working in a troubled region (^) Chaman often report on for international and without the state’s writ or protection, these (^) national media due to its proximity with the town. journalists find sustenance in association with (^) “When we report that Taliban have been killed in individuals and groups that need them to push (^) Nato attacks, the Taliban want to know why their agendas. And in doing so, often become (^) haven’t we reported the losses to Nato.” party to a conflict – tribal or between the state and anti-state elements. The conflict of interests between the states – regional and international – comes into a sharp Chaman, the tribal town along the Pak-Afghan (^) relief in the region along the border where border has been in news recently due to activities (^) information is hushed or controlled because it of Taliban. It neighbours the southern Afghan (^) goes against stated positions. On both sides of the town of Kandahar – home to the Taliban. Due to its (^) border, security agencies and spies work strategic significance, the town has, after the (^) overtime, responding to developments and provincial capital of Quetta, the biggest (^) weaving their own spins on events. This brings its concentration of media. It features regularly in (^) own challenges to journalists grappling with the news reports on electronic media. However, the (^) pull and push of multiple conflicting forces and fact that the editors are based in Karachi and have (^) anxieties. “When the political parties here protest little knowledge or understanding of the tribal- (^) against the Taliban and we report, the intelligence
agencies want to know why we reported?” then falls to the media in Jafferabad and Naseerabad districts – that border Dera Bugti and “Express did a story about Al Qaeda and Taliban (^) Kohlu – to report on the areas that are hotbeds of activity along the border and I helped the (^) Baloch resistance. Bomb blasts, attacks on journalist from Karachi, taking her around for (^) government installations such as gas pipelines, interviews and shooting footage”, says Niamat (^) electricity towers and communication lines and Ullah. “The story was critical of the authorities (^) target killings happen routinely in these areas. The and when aired, I started receiving threatening (^) journalists cannot report the attacks – such as the phone calls because they know I am the Express’ (^) August 14 attacks on railway tracks and other correspondent here.” (^) installations in Jaffarabad, Dera Bugti,
The Pashtun belt where Chaman is based is also a Naseerabad, Sibi and Bolan - without invoking the stronghold of religious parties supporting the wrath of authorities even when they are under Taliban. They often protest against the Americans pressure from insurgents to report them. and Nato this side of the border, something that (^) “In 2009, we received a call at 11 pm from gets little or no coverage on the VOA or national (^) insurgents in Dera Bugti claiming they had blown channels. They want to know why only the “dead” (^) up a 30 inch gas pipeline so we reported it as make news from Chaman and not protests. (^) breaking news”, says Dhani Baksh Magsi, a
In 2001, Noor Zaman, the reporter for Jang, did a journalist who reports for ARY News and the daily story on arrival of Gul Agha, the new governor of Mashriq from Jafferabad. “Only, it didn’t happen Kanadahar, to Pakistan. The governor removed until 4 am that morning. We couldn’t get it barriers from the border on entering. At the time, confirmed because there are no journalists in the status of Durand Line – the imaginary border Dera Bugti and officials don’t cooperate. The story between Pakistan and Afghanistan – had become created a furore among the FC and Military a contentious issue and there were accusation of Intelligence circles who wanted to know who had encroachment on part of Pakistani authorities. called us. We had to beg the authorities to let us When the story appeared in Jang, the FC go.” registered a case against him. “I had to appear in (^) Dhani Bakhsh Magsi’s case underlines the the court”, says the journalist from Chaman. “The (^) challenges of reporting a troubled region where journalist community in Quetta got involved to (^) the traditional sources of information are absent, help me out.” Noor Zaman was acquitted but a (^) journalists have been displaced, insurgents and treason case, had he been convicted, would have (^) the military want to control and often use media. taken him to gallows of put in prison for life. (^) It is hard to triangulate information because
Reporters in Chaman cannot report on incursions officials^ don’t^ cooperate,^ militants^ are^ not from across the border due to problems with accessible, there are restrictions on mobility and sovereignty, activities of Taliban or attacks on people are afraid to talk to media. “There are Nato supplies without checking with the FC first. sources of information and then there are claims”, “The security agencies want control over says Dhani Baksh. “What we are forced t report information”, says Noor Zaman. “If they see a routinely are claims with no way of knowing they ticker on a channel about Chaman, they call the are true or not.” reporter to ask why he hasn’t called them first. (^) Where there is generally ignorance about media’s They tell us we should carry a Kalashnikov because (^) role as an impartial reporting mechanism in we are on the hit list of militants. What am I (^) Balochistan, it runs deeper in the tribal, feudal supposed to carry, a Kalashnikov or a camera?” (^) milieu dominant in the districts. People in general
The districts of Jafferabad and Naseerabad - in the and insurgents and tribal lords in particular – as southeast of Balochistan, bordering the Sindh well as the local media and reporters – assume province - have thousands of IDPs from Dera Bugti that being one of the tribe, a reporter has to stand and Kohlu still living there despite the military’s up for local forces and interests in relation to the claim that they have returned. Along with the state. This undermines media’s freedom and local population, journalists, too, have been makes reporter vulnerable to threats. displaced from the Bugti and Marri tribal areas. It (^) “A rocket hit a residential in the Pat Feeder area of
to lend among tribes that are hostile and divided among pro-establishment and anti-state groups. We get calls from the Bugtis that our people are killed and houses destroyed. Please come report. The insurgents threaten us for not reporting, they say put the footage on the net or you tube but report. But will the FC allow us.”
he national media, according to journalists “Technically, the news keeps trickling out - of in Balochistan, eschews issues affecting the mutilated corpses, of lawyers or academics gone lives and livelihoods of people in the missing, of gas pipelines bombed, of Aghaz e province and is interested only in conflict related Haqooq e Balochistan Package and so on. It is the stories. According to the BBC’s Ayub Tareen, the manner in which these news items are treated - by national media draws business from Karachi, the journalists, editors and analysts - that makes Lahore or Islamabad and that is where they focus. Balochistan a special case. The news of a It only focuses on conflict soundbites and even mutilated body is not followed by an analysis of bigger stories, when covered, tend to disappear what the tally (of mutilated bodies) stands at for within hours. “It is only interested in controversial this month or year or the last five six years. Nor is it news, pushing journalists to report news that puts shared with the reader or viewer that the them in danger”, says Syed Ali Shah of Dawn News organization that claimed responsibility did not TV. exist on the planet Balochistan before. Within the province, the media has decided to stick to this Journalists in Balochistan feel that the (^) position; survival instinct, perhaps, because mainstream media, like the political leadership in (^) journalists have borne the brunt of freedom of the country, is not sympathetic to the province (^) expression.” and its issues. One big impediment to this is that Balochistan is cut off from the rest of the country In the absence of proper coverage on national through huge distances. Even within Balochistan, media, there is a big audience for international journalists cannot possibly cover everything media such as the BBC World Service or VOA in happening inside the province due to the huge Balochistan. With their focus on human rights – a distances involved. But then, every major concern at the heart of Balochistan problem with newspaper or TV network does maintain a bureau issues like the missing persons, displacement due office or have correspondents in Quetta that can to operations, floods, target killings and extra- report on stories here provided the mainstream judicial killings – people look up to international media wanted them to. media for their voices to be heard. This also serves the interest of the pro-independence groups that “The national media – both tv and print – don’t (^) want to gain international sympathy for their give proper coverage to Balochsitan news”, says (^) cause. This focus on human rights, however, Saleem Shahid, President Quetta Press Club and (^) translates into trouble for local correspondents of correspondent for the English daily Dawn. “If the (^) international media. prime minister visits, they give blow by blow details of the event but it all fades to black after “The local administration and the military do not that. The attitude of national, mainstream media treat the population that migrated to Naseerabad is the same as Islamabad and the federal from Dera Bugti due to operations as IDPs, they government – that Balochistan is not a province treat them as supporters of terrorists”, says Ayub but a tehsil. A man trapped in a lift in Karachi Tareen who works for the BBC World Urdu Service. makes bigger splash than 3 men target-killed in “They don’t allow you to report on their condition. Balochistan.” They are living out in the open and in a far worse shape since the 2010 floods but we still can’t “It is tricky saying that Balochistan is not being (^) report. We want to report on the missing persons, covered by the mainstream media”, says an (^) but if I do, I’ll be putting myself and the family I talk editorial in The News on Sunday, the weekend (^) to at risk.” edition of The News published in June 2011.
T
he local media, at least the one that they cannot work on ground. Journalists have maintains a semblance of independence, is received threats saying, “If we can attack the DIG besieged by pressures from all sides – the FC House and the Police Chief, we can attack your insurgents, the military, the political parties, the office which is far less secure”. In July 2011, the religious sectarian groups, the tribes and the Baloch Students Orgnization (Azad) stopped government. The widely read Mashriq and other distribution of all local papers in interior districts of regional newspapers recently carried statements Balochistan, beating up newspaper hawkers and from the banned Sunni sectarian group Lashkar-e- setting fire to newspapers against “not enough Jhangvi that incited hatred against the Shias, coverage” of BSO (Azad) activities. It was only calling them “Kafir” or infidels. The Balochistan when the editors met the student organization and High Court Chief Justice Qazi Faez Issa took suo gave guarantees of “prominent coverage” that the moto action issuing a provisional order in October newspaper distribution was allowed. On October 2011 that said, “The press and the media are 1, 2011, the Balochsitan Union of Journalists directed not to print or publish any propaganda of observed a “black day” against ban on media from an organization that has been banned….This order the government and pressure from militants to is of an interim nature and if any newspaper or carry statements. media organization feels aggrieved they may make submissions in this regard.” The judiciary justifies the order saying it is mindful of the freedom of press guaranteed under Article Media representatives present on the occasion 19 but “the said Fundamental Right itself restricts said they simply report and it is for the news- such freedom if it results in incitement to an editors, chief editors and owners to print or air a offence” and that “it is not expected that media story. They also said that they received threats which is stated to be the fourth pillar of the State from proscribed organizations that if their stories would undermine or weaken the integrity and the are not published, they will be targeted. And so it is cohesion of the State and the people residing out of fear that they carry such stories. The court within it.” order however says that it can’t be a justification for violation of law and constitution of Pakistan – The court sources insist that at a time when the Section II of the Anti-terrorism Act that says “the media is concerned about safety, the court order printing, publishing and disseminating any ensures exactly that because journalist can offer it material that instigates hatred or gives projection as a legal protection to resist pressure and threats to any proscribed organization….or anyone from militant organizations. However, in at least concerned with terrorism is itself an offence – and one case, statements from judiciary that the media anyone who does it will face the consequences houses are coward and should close offices if they provided in the law. The order says media reports can’t stand up to threats betrays ignorance and also run afoul of provisions in Article 19 of the insensitivity towards media and the way it works. Constitution. Anyone committing contempt of the (^) “The anti-state elements are not under control of order would be sent to prison for 6 months (^) the government, the state or the judiciary, whose whereas a court case registered under Anti- (^) writ is even weaker once you leave Quetta”, says Terrorism Act could lead to 3 years in prison. (^) Saleem Shahid, President Quetta Press Club. “The
It is ironical that the newspapers continue carrying judiciary can ask for bullet-proof cars but the statements saying 6 months in prison are better journalists have no protection.” The Chief Justice than death at the hands of militant organizations. High Court has received threats from banned After the High Court order, journalists met several organization after the order. times to decide that if they follow the court order,
A Media Under Siege
he high court order only took an already his eye in a second blast when he was reporting on tense environment for media in Balochistan a bomb blast in the Satellite Town. Arif Malik, a to a boiling point. According to BBC’s Ayub cameraman with Sama TV died in a bomb blast at Tareen, the militant groups don’t care about the the civil hospital in which the Shia Hazara state, let alone the high court. At least in one case community was targeted. “There have been
Political and sectarian mobs have set fire to the Jang office thrice in the past. At least in one case, the office was fired at. In 2005, a planted bomb exploded outside the office injuring the staff. Aijaz Khan, bureau chief of Geo TV and the News, lost
ake a journalist not trained to report help that the “national media demands conflict conflict, put him in a remote district with stories, failing to report the real issues of the little access to information or sources, take people of Balochistan.” away all incentive to work such as decent, regular wages, leave him without organizational support In case of most local newspapers, the editors are to fend for himself in an environment where both not professional or trained journalists. They go for the state and anti-state elements want to control political statements or crime news because it is him and information through extreme tactics, on sensational and sells. “Most of the news filed are his own to grapple with tribal, ethnic and political views or statements not news in the strict sense of loyalties and rivalries (including his’) and you have the word”, says Saleem Shahid. “Reporters, too, a recipe for a disaster waiting to happen. since they are not paid and motivated, are given to non-professional practices. No wonder nothing Amidst all the threats and dangers, the journalists improves here because our media focuses only on are “less-qualified, ill-equipped, inexperienced ‘he said, she said’, not the the civic, social aspect of and not trained” to deal with the volatile situation issues demanding accountability in the public that prevails in the province. They are learning interest.” conflict reporting the hardest way – by risking their lives. Few are qualified or experienced Without^ orientation^ and^ training^ in^ conflict enough to write a straight copy let alone ensure it sensitive journalism, the journalists of Balochistan is accurate, balanced, objective, attributed to stand^ exposed^ and^ vulnerable^ in^ their^ daily sources, verified and complete. Most of the routine. journalists in the districts are teachers or clerks in government offices who moonlight as journalists without regular salary and often no salary at all and, therefore, are easily exploited.
Veteran journalists like Saleem Shahid and Siddiq Baloch insist that alone brings grief to journalists, especially in the interior districts where information and communication infrastructure is absent. “Journalists in interior Balochistan are not trained and exposed to threats”, says Saleem Shahid. “They go for influence that comes from being associated with local influential groups and therefore become partial, partisan and amenable to pressures. However, in a tribal system if one side is favoured against the other, it becomes a matter of honour for the group in opposition and the threat is directed at the journalist, among others.”
Where journalists do take pains over their stories, they often run into trouble because versions, interests and sources – if available, that is – are often conflicting due to the conflict and it doesn’t
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t least 95 percent of the journalists from lack of professionalism”, says Shahzad working for local media don’t get paid at Baloch, a young journalists with Express Tribune. all, the rest are underpaid or don’t get paid “But then if you don’t pay how can you expect regularly or on time”, says Issa Tareen, president journalists to follow best practices and Balochistan Union of Journalists. “In case of standards?” national media, only big newspapers or channels pay, others don’t pay on time or very little. There’s no job satisfaction among most of journalists and (^) When it comes to the government, the provincial job security is virtually non-existent at the local (^) advertisement quota is a handy tool to keep level. Journalists working for national media have (^) newspapers in line with its interests. The to compete to keep their jobs, grappling with (^) p rov i n c i a l gove r n m e nt h a s a n a n n u a l immense pressure to report even the most (^) advertisement budget of Rs 70 million. There are hazardous of news to stay ahead of the (^) some 140 local newspapers published daily in competition. ” (^) Balochistan. Except for 6 or 7 dailies, the rest are all dummy newspapers claiming a lion’s share of In the rare case where journalists get paid by big (^) the advertisement quota. media houses, they have to work for both print and TV for the same pay. The BBC’s Ayub Tareen (^) “The editors and the government officials share says, “In Lahore, Karachi and Islamabad, (^) the booty because the owners are not journalists working for Express News will be paid (^) professional journalists but shopkeepers and for their work for print and TV separately. They are (^) travel agents who have started newspapers to often not required to work for both as they have (^) benefit from advertisements or the nuisance their own dedicated staff. Here a journalist who is (^) value press has” says Syed Alis Shah of Dawn paid Rs15,000 has to work for the newspaper and (^) News. “They toe the official line and don’t TV. In absence of financial incentives and (^) challenge the authorities at all.” constraints, journalists exploit their position to get benefits from nawabs, tribes, the government Some local newspapers like Intikhab, Azadi and and military. Save for a few big ones, most of the Balochistan Express have forfeited fortune for media offices here have been set up by journalists freedom but they are constantly struggling with to sell their profession.” sustainability concerns. “Newspapers like Tawar, Asap, and Intikhab reflect the Baloch aspirations The problem of wages undermines professional (^) and are widely read but they can’t pay their staff”, standards and capacities across the board but (^) says a journalist in Quetta. assumes daunting proportions in the districts where journalists working without salaries, The local media depends on local advertisements contracts or organizational support are left to fend to sustain staff and operations and the authorities for themselves. This has corrupted the media in use it to their advantage, cutting the quota should districts. It has become a mouthpiece for a media outlet fall out of line. However, those that elements journalists draw benefits from, given to get advertisements from the government are on blackmailing and taking bribes. Where this has the hit list of the insurgent groups and in that eroded the people’s trust in media, it has also respect it is a double jeopardy where media is vitiated the security environment within which both^ threatened^ and^ controlled^ by^ the media finds itself in Balochistan. advertisements it gets.
“I would say 99 percent threats to journalists stem
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