1
Cultural, Ethnic Differences and Educational Achievement of African Heritage Students:
Towards Employing a Culturally Sensitive Curriculum in K-12 Classrooms: A Literature
Review
Patrice Juliet Pinder
January 2008
Prepare for your exams
Study with the several resources on Docsity
Earn points to download
Earn points by helping other students or get them with a premium plan
Guidelines and tips
Prepare for your exams
Study with the several resources on Docsity
Earn points to download
Earn points by helping other students or get them with a premium plan
Community
Ask the community
Ask the community for help and clear up your study doubts
University Rankings
Discover the best universities in your country according to Docsity users
Free resources
Our save-the-student-ebooks!
Download our free guides on studying techniques, anxiety management strategies, and thesis advice from Docsity tutors
Achievement Gaps: Cultural Influences & Parental Involvement for African Heritage Students, Summaries of Acting
This literature review explores the major reasons for educational achievement disparities between African heritage students, including cultural influences and levels of parental involvement. Researchers such as Steele, Ogbu, and Kauchak have highlighted the impact of teachers' expectations, learning styles, and socioeconomic factors on achievement gaps. The document also discusses the cultural mismatch between teachers and students and the role of peer pressure in shaping academic performance.
What you will learn
- What is the impact of peer pressure on academic performance for African heritage students?
- What are the major reasons for educational achievement gaps between African heritage students?
- How do cultural influences impact educational achievement for African heritage students?
- How does the cultural mismatch between teachers and students affect academic performance?
- What role does parental involvement play in educational achievement for African heritage students?
Typology: Summaries
2021/2022
1 / 38
This page cannot be seen from the preview
Don't miss anything!
Related documents
Partial preview of the text
Download Achievement Gaps: Cultural Influences & Parental Involvement for African Heritage Students and more Summaries Acting in PDF only on Docsity!
Cultural, Ethnic Differences and Educational Achievement of African Heritage Students: Towards Employing a Culturally Sensitive Curriculum in K-12 Classrooms: A Literature Review
Patrice Juliet Pinder
January 2008
Abstract For a long time, researchers have reported on the low academic performances of Black Americans in comparison to other minorities and non-minorities. During this time, there have been debates over the causes of the differences in education achievement between the various sub groups (i.e. ethnic subgroups) of students studied. The purpose of this review of literature paper (i.e. a combination of theoretical and research studies reviewed) is to discuss major reasons for the differences in education achievement levels between students of African heritage (i.e. African American students –involuntary immigrants to the USA and foreign born Afro –Caribbean and Africans who immigrated to the USA – voluntary immigrants), such as: cultural influences and levels of parental involvement. The study concludes with a call for the employment of more culturally sensitive curriculums to enhance the K-12 learning setting for ethnically diverse learners.
Key words : education achievement, African heritage students, dominant culture
{Literature review, 61 references}
Ethnic maturity level with regards to their ability to master two dissimilar cultures or their inability to master two dissimilar cultures. Bank’s Typology of Ethnic Identity (as is presented in McAllister & Irvine, 2000) which consists of six stages of Ethnic Identities is used as a back drop for assessing an individuals’ ethnic identity stage or stages, which can denote a person’s ability to master two different cultures or not. For individuals at stages 1 and 2 of Bank’s Typology of Ethnic Identity are usually unwilling or unable to master two dissimilar cultures (e.g. African & European), so the individual clings to the culture he or she most identifies with and rejects the other culture, he or she less identifies with, and as a result he or she may develop an oppositional attitude to the rejected culture or to others who uphold the values of the rejected culture. On the other hand, individuals at stages 4, 5 and 6 (the more developed stage on Bank’s continuum) of Bank’s typology of ethnic identity are able to master two dissimilar cultures successfully (e.g. African & European), and so they can perform the skills and functions that will allow them to be successful in both cultural realms (the more dominant and least dominant cultures) (McAllister & Irvine, 2000). I then conclude with recommendations for the employment of a more culturally sensitive curriculum within the K-12 classroom in order to make for more effective learning amongst culturally and ethnically diverse students. Method This review paper discusses theoretical and research studies and both empirical and non- empirical sources were utilized as a part of the review process. The articles and books that were used represent a broad range of works spanning many fields, such as anthropology, sociology, psychology, education and education statistics. These works address school performances and ethnic / culturalized aspects of Black student achievement.
Education databases, SAGE Journals online and Questia Google Scholar were searched for the period 1970 – 2007. Abstracts and full text articles that discussed education achievement of minorities in general, school achievement of Blacks specifically, cultural / ethnic influences on school performance, Black students’ attitudes toward schooling, culture of oppositionality literature, and parental involvement were selected for the review. Journals such as Review of Educational Research , Educational Researcher, Anthropology and Education Quarterly , Journal of Research in Science Teaching , Journal of Negro Education, Science Education, American Sociological Review, International Journal of Educational Research, British Journal of Sociology of Education , The Urban Review, American Educational Research Journal , among others, were searched for relevant works. Additionally, books such as The Mis-Education of the Negro, and Black American Students in An affluent Suburb, A study of Academic Disengagement were also used in the review process_._ The search period was conducted from August 1, 2007, to November 20, 2007, and more than 100 abstracts, full articles, books and non-book sources were consulted. However, only those relevant articles and books were utilized in the actual paper. Background details on the Education Achievement Differences between African Heritage Students This section of the review begins with an outline of the origins of educational achievement differences between African heritage students which is grounded in (a) historical – racial arguments; and (b) linked to Blacks’ voluntary versus involuntary immigration to the United States. Explaining the origins of the achievement differences between African heritage students provides the background and context for the rest of the work. The terms involuntary
Cultural Factors and Differences in African Heritage Students’ Educational Achievement New waves of social critique came about during the 1960s and 1970s as a result of activists fighting against racism and racial injustices (Wiggan, 2007). Rather than focusing on racism or racial differences as being related to students’ achievement levels, research started to view achievement as being related to students’ social class and cultural differences (Wiggan, 2007). According to Wiggan (2007), although the class-and-culture perspective gave new directions to the school achievement discourse, and positively shifted the focus of differences in achievement between students from biology to sociology, it also posed some challenges as well. However, there are those researchers who feel that the class-and- culture perspective has been given too much attention at the expense of ignoring other possible causes for student outcomes / achievement. Wiggan’s (2007) argues that although student outcomes can be determined by students (and parents) social class standing and financial resources, this perspective alone can not only be viewed as a determining factor in student outcomes. Wiggan felt that school quality, teacher quality, and financial and material resources made available to schools can more so determine student outcomes (p. 316). Similarly, the cultural mismatch between teachers and students is also looked at as a factor that impedes successful student outcomes for some Black students. Woodson (1933, as cited by Wiggan, p. 318) argued that Black students may feel alienated and under perform in schools because their own experiences have been ignored in the formal academic discourse in favor of the singular focus on the experiences and lived world views of the dominant group (p. 318). Even within Black schools where there is no cultural mismatch between teachers and students, that is, where teachers and students are of the same race and culture, teachers still
convey hidden and overt messages of Black social deviance in an attempt to sway Black students into embracing White, middle class values, which they deem as more appropriate values (Tyson, 2003 as cited by Wiggan, p. 318). Since the 1960s, it has been postulated that the low academic performance of Black Americans was caused by differences in and conflicts between Black culture and White American culture (Boykin, 1986; Gay, 1979; Hale-Benson, 1986; Hillard, Payton –Stewart, Williams, 1991; Irvine, 1991; Nobles, 1991; Pollard & Ajirotutu, 2000; Williams, 1990). Among the studies mentioned beforehand, with few exceptions (Williams, 1990), the explanation based on cultural differences was derived from empirical study of culture, either in the Black or White communities. Boykin (1986) argued that Black American students face a ‘triple quandary’ in the realm of culture and schooling. Boykin argued that Black Americans face three problems: (a) they have to deal with three cultural experiences, namely European culture, African culture, and African American culture (which is rooted in African culture); (b) cultural hegemony that arises from social, economic, and political oppression as minorities; and (c) their own self-contradictory socialization processes. In Boykin’s views, he felt that Black students’ problems in school came by way of them being compelled to master two incompatible cultures: Black American culture which is rooted in African cultures, and European American culture, which is the dominant culture of the slave master whom had enslaved their fore fathers years ago. Boykin (1986) further added that the problem Black students face is that they are asked to master both of these cultures that are sharply at odds with each other. To make matters worse, the public school system does not allow them to learn and perform in the Black culture that they are accustomed with.
credentials. Immigrant voluntary minorities believe more strongly that the way to get ahead or to achieve upward mobility or ‘the American dream’ is to get a good education and good credentials. To them, education is the key to success. They believe that education can help them succeed more in the U.S. than back home. On the other hand, non-immigrant minorities (involuntary immigrants) are unsure that education is the key to success. Many see little evidence among their own people for believing that success in adult life or upward social mobility is due to education (Ogbu, 2003; Burdman, 2003; Gibson & Ogbu, 1991). Similarly, Black American students from lower social classes are believed to be predisposed to lower school performance because their cultural and linguistic codes differ from that of the dominant school system (Wiggan, 2007). According to the class-and-culture perspective, it is presumed that the potential for being a high achiever is passed down through students’ social class and culture, in each generation; however, some students inherit a class and culture that is antithetical to achievement (Wiggan, 2007). Black American students are believed to be that group of students that have inherited a class and culture that is antithetical or oppositional to achievement (Ogbu, 2003; McWhorter, 2001; Ogbu, 1988; Ogbu & Fordham, 1986). Another cultural theoretical explanation for differences in school performances between Africans, Afro-Caribbean, and African American students discusses student alienation and oppositional identity (McWhorter, 2001; Ogbu, 1988; Ogbu & Fordham, 1986). According to Wiggan (2007), currently this theme generates the most ‘vitality’ in the literature. Further, proponents of the opposition identity perspective argue that Black American students are sanctioned by their peers and are accused of ‘acting White’ when they do well in school (Wiggan, 2007; Ford & Harris, 1996; Ogbu & Fordham, 1986). So to resist ‘acting White’ or
being labeled by their peers as ‘acting White,’ Black American students are compelled to not do well in school in order to maintain their ethnic identity and in order to remain a part of the ‘in group,’ rather than the ‘out group.’ As a result, some students underachieve purposely to avoid sanctioning by their peers (Wiggan, 2007). Some label and reject as ‘White’ certain pedagogical beliefs and behaviors that are conducive to making good grades. According to Ogbu (2003), some Black American students at Shaker High School accused other Blacks of ‘acting White’ because they behaved in ‘White ways,’ such as spoke standard English, enrolled in honors AP classes, hung around too many White students, or made good grades, even though the students accused of doing these things did not necessarily reject their Black identity. According to Ogbu (2003), Black Americans often under performed due to ‘cultural expectations’ and he further argued that the Black students poor performances was regarded as ‘cool’ by other Blacks and meant that these Blacks were not trying to be White. From Ogbu’s study, it was found that Black students intentionally did poorly to be accepted by other Blacks and to avoid being labeled as ‘acting White.’ They somehow associated good performance to being White or acting White. Accordingly, in an interview with Pamela Burdman in 2003, Ogbu reported on the research findings of one of his graduate students at the University of California at Berkeley. Ogbu’s research associate research study investigated the ‘acting White’ theory; she collected about 17 different attitudes and behaviors that Black students did not want to have anything to do with because they were labeled as “White,” and one of the seventeen different attitudes and behaviors that Black students regarded as “White” was making good grades (Burdman, 2003). To the students involved in the research study conducted by Ogbu’s research associate, the major contributing factor they felt caused one to be labeled as ‘acting White’ was making good grades (Burdman, 2003). Further, Ogbu & Fordham (1986) suggested being
get by and also to avoid being labeled by their counterparts as acting White (Ogbu, 2003; Gordon & Yeakey, 1980). Similarly, other proponents of the ‘acting White’ debate have agreed with Ogbu’s stance on the matter, that some Black students potentially deliberately sabotage their academic career, which is seen as not a good way to reject what they perceive as the schools’ negative imposed Eurocentric attitudes and values on them. One proponent, Fryer (2004) argued that if minority students today deliberately underachieve in order to avoid social sanctions that by itself could explain why the academic performance of 17 year old African Americans, as mentioned by the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP), has deteriorated since the 1980s, while the academic performance of African American 9 year olds has been improving. It may further help us to understand why there is a shortage of minority students in most elite colleges and universities (Fryer, 2004). Additionally, Fryer (2004) conducted a quantitative study in 2004 in which he measured students’ popularity amongst peers by way of surveys. Surveys were handed out to African Americans, Hispanics, and White participants in the study, and each participant was asked to list their closest male and female friends, up to five males and five female friends. Next, the surveys were examined to see the frequency of occurrences of some students’ names versus others and this was used as a marker or a sign of a student’s popularity amongst his or her peers. Students’ achievement level were determined by their GPA which was based on their cumulative self reported grades in English, mathematics, history / social studies and science. Fryer (2004) in comparing the popularity of high-and-low achieving students, compared students only with students who attended the same school, ensuring that the results were not skewed by unmeasured characteristics of specific schools. What Fryer found in his study was that at very low GPAs, there were little differences among ethnic groups seen in the relationship between
grades and popularity, and high –achieving Blacks were actually more popular within their ethnic group than high-achieving Whites were within theirs, but only up to the GPA level of 3.4; for at the GPA level of 3.5 clear differences in rate of popularity between Whites and Blacks became apparent. African Americans with GPAs as high as 3.5 continued to have more friends than those African Americans with extremely lower grade point averages, but their rate of increase in popularity was no longer as great as that seen amongst White students at the same GPA level. Also, as the GPAs of Black students increased beyond 3.5, they tended to have fewer and fewer friends. A Black student with a GPA of 4.0 had on average 1.5 fewer friends of the same ethnicity than a White student with the same GPA. Put differently, a Black student with straight As was not that popular among Black peers as White students with straight As were among their White peers. Although, Fryer (2004) agreed that African American students with very high GPAs (4.0 GPA) were not as popular among their peers as those with GPAs that were around 3.0 to 3.4, he also found that acting White was unique to those schools that were made up of less than 80 percent Blacks; whereas, in predominantly Black schools, there were no evidence that getting good grades affected students’ popularity among peers. Ogbu (2003, 1987) and Wiggan (2007) suggested that involuntary minorities, people whose forefathers were originally brought to the United States as slaves, develop an oppositional social identity to the oppression of the dominant group, which inhibits the way they view their education. Conversely, Ogbu proposed that voluntary immigrants, people who voluntarily migrated to the U.S. are free from the oppositional social identity, and tend to do well in school because their point of reference and the point of reference of their ancestors is the experiences from their home countries, not that of forced colonization, conquest or slavery. Wiggan (2007)
social, economic, or educational attainment. In fact, some individuals may employ dominant and non –dominant cultural capital, negotiating strategically between their community, family, peer, and school spaces (Carter, 2003). Some involuntary Black immigrants may utilize this process, but to a large extent, voluntary Black immigrants use this process in order to be successful in the United States. In support of this, Carter (2003) conducted a grounded theory research approach in which she collected data from a sample of forty-four low income African American youths, ages 13 to 20. Cater utilized semi-structured interviews over a ten month period (Nov. 1997 to August 1998) in Yonkers, New York, and what emerged were data revealing that to some extent African American students employ their ‘Black’ cultural capital to cultivate their African American peers’ acceptance of them as authentically Black; whereas, some study participants used dominant cultural capital for instrumental purposes to ‘buy’ either an academic or employment opportunity or perhaps even to influence a judge’s impression in a court of law (Carter, 2003). To support this statement, a young African American woman named Loresha who participated in Cater’s (2003) grounded theory research study stated accordingly: “If I’m talking to my friend or father, like Yo, whasup, whatever? And when I call my job, I have a different attitude towards the whole situation, you know. I don’t talk with slang. I make sure everything is correct. But, I don’t know. Personally, I think …for a Black person to act White…..like when he arrives (at home) I think he don’t have to do that. But like even if he’s in school, he can act like that in school. Maybe it’ll get him somewhere. You know? And when he goes out …..I don’t know…..don’t have to act like that. You can just be yourself. But there is going to be times in your life where you are going to have to put on a little act, or a little show to get the extra budge or whatever, you know” (Carter, 2003; p. 141).
Carter (2003) suggested that resistance to the achievement ideology was not unique to Blacks, but low income Whites also showed school resistance. Carter (2003) reported that low income white students in his research study had anti-achievement beliefs, whereas, many of the Black students were optimistic and had a strong belief in the achievement ideology. Similarly, Ainsworth – Darnell & Downey (1998) leveled strong criticisms at Ogbu’s oppositional identity explanation. Ainsworth-Darnell & Downey (1998) leveled strong criticisms at Ogbu’s oppositional culture explanation. Using data from the first follow up of the 1998 National Education Longitudinal Study, they focused on African Americans, Asians, and White students and found that many African American students were actually more optimistic about future employment than White students. Moreover, they perceived education as the determining factor in obtaining these jobs, more so than their White peers did. Further, Ainsworth- Darnell & Downey (1998) claimed to have seen a positive correlation between being Black and being a good student, meaning Black students are not treated negatively by their peers when they are academically successful. The authors believed the problem of Black underachievement was due to lack of material resources, racial segregation, and negative teacher perceptions of Black students. Similarly, Ainsworth – Darnell & Downey’s (1998) and Adler (1997) views were in sync with those of Norman, Crunk, Butler and Pinder (2006), and Coon & Kemmelmeier (2001) who believed that Black students, particularly, African Americans have ‘retreated’ and ‘disengaged from the wider culture’ in order to maintain a sense of ‘collective identity,’ ‘safety,’ and ‘solidarity.’ Norman et al. (2006), like Ainsworth – Darnell & Downey (1998) also held the prevailing viewpoint that if educators hold on to the unwarranted belief that Black adolescents do not value education then this can only hamper Black students, particularly, African American students’ academic achievement. So, negative stereotyping, stigmatizing, oppressive history, or
The theory of oppositionality view students as being active agents capable of resisting oppression. Further, proponents of oppositional-culture theory view variances in achievement as differences in voluntary and involuntary minority student status (Wiggan, 2007). Besides the cultural explanation for differences in African heritage students educational achievement, levels of parental involvement is also suggested by the literature as having an influence on African heritage students’ achievement levels. Parental Involvement and Differences in African Heritage Students’ Educational Achievement A second major explanation for differences in education achievement between African American, Afro Caribbean and African students discusses level of parental involvement and its effects on student achievement. Proponents of the cultural ecological theory postulate that cultural values, attitudes, norms, and traditions present in a student’s home environment may influence his or her school value or attitudes towards learning in general. Ogbu (2003) highlighted two community forces that he believed attributed to poor achievement among African Americans. The community forces outlined by Ogbu were: (a) student – centered factors (e.g. low ability, negative peer pressures, and the belief that academic success is ‘acting White’); and (b) lack of parent – centered factors (e.g. lack of parental involvement in their child’s education, low expectation of Black students, high expectations of White students, high expectations of the school system). Ogbu & Simmons (1998) found that cultural attitudes and values in the home and amongst parents can complement school learning. In a cross – cultural study comparing Chinese, Japanese, and American child – rearing practices, researchers found significant differences in parental support for schooling (Kauchak & Eggen, 2005). More than 95 percent of native
Chinese and Japanese fifth graders had desks at home on which to do their home work; only 63 percent of the Americans sample did (Kauchak & Eggen, 2005). Also, 57 percent of the Chinese and Japanese parents supplemented their fifth graders’ school work with additional math workbooks as compared with only 28 percent of the U.S. parents (Kauchak & Eggen, 2005). Finally, 51 percent of the Chinese parents and 29 percent of the Japanese parents supplemented their children’s science curriculum with additional work compared with only 1 percent of American parents (Kauchak & Eggen, 2005). A study attempting to understand the phenomenal successes of Indo-Chinese children in the U.S. classrooms further documents the effects of home cultural values on learning (Caplan, Chey and Whitmore, 1992). In examining the school experiences of Vietnamese and Laotian refugees who had been in the United States for a relatively short time (an average of 3.5 years), the researchers found amazing progress. The Indo-Chinese children received better than a B average in school, and their scores on standardized achievement tests corroborated the grades as reflecting true achievement, and not grade inflation (Kauchak & Eggen, 2005). Researchers such as Caplan, Chey and Whitmore (1992) found that when these students’ home life were examined it was found that their parents placed heavy emphasis on the importance of education, hard work, autonomy, perseverance, and pride. Further, these values were reinforced with a nightly ritual of family home work in which both parents and older siblings helped younger members of the family (Caplan, Chey, and Whitmore, 1992). But, in American families, particularly, African American families, it was found that parents play a lesser role in students’ school work (Kauchak & Eggen, 2005; Ogbu, 2003).